Rabu, 28 September 2011

[N497.Ebook] Download Ebook Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin, by Fiona Hill, Clifford G. Gaddy

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Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin, by Fiona Hill, Clifford G. Gaddy

Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin, by Fiona Hill, Clifford G. Gaddy



Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin, by Fiona Hill, Clifford G. Gaddy

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Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin, by Fiona Hill, Clifford G. Gaddy

From the KGB to the Kremlin: a multidimensional portrait of the man at war with the West. Where do Vladimir Putin's ideas come from? How does he look at the outside world? What does he want, and how far is he willing to go?

The great lesson of the outbreak of World War I in 1914 was the danger of misreading the statements, actions, and intentions of the adversary. Today, Vladimir Putin has become the greatest challenge to European security and the global world order in decades. Russia's 8,000 nuclear weapons underscore the huge risks of not understanding who Putin is.   Featuring five new chapters, this new edition dispels potentially dangerous misconceptions about Putin and offers a clear-eyed look at his objectives. It presents Putin as a reflection of deeply ingrained Russian ways of thinking as well as his unique personal background and experience.

Praise for the first edition

If you want to begin to understand Russia today, read this book. —Sir John Scarlett, former chief of the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6)

For anyone wishing to understand Russia's evolution since the breakup of the Soviet Union and its trajectory since then, the book you hold in your hand is an essential guide.—John McLaughlin, former deputy director of U.S. Central Intelligence

Of the many biographies of Vladimir Putin that have appeared in recent years, this one is the most useful. —Foreign Affairs

This is not just another Putin biography. It is a psychological portrait. —The Financial Times

Q: Do you have time to read books? If so, which ones would you recommend? "My goodness, let's see. There's Mr. Putin, by Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy. Insightful." —Vice President Joseph Biden in Joe Biden: The Rolling Stone Interview.

  • Sales Rank: #6368067 in Books
  • Published on: 2015-04-03
  • Original language: English
  • Number of items: 1
  • Dimensions: 9.02" h x 1.38" w x 5.98" l, 2.12 pounds
  • Binding: Hardcover
  • 533 pages

Review
As experienced students of modern Russia, Fiona Hill and Clifford Gaddy are exceptionally well qualified to explain the experiences and influences which shaped the mind of Vladimir Putin... If you want to begin to understand Russia today, read this book." - Sir John Scarlett, former chief of the British Secret Intelligence Service (MI6) "Veteran Russia watchers Hill and Gaddy bring high-level expertise to bear on the enigma of Vladimir Putin in this illuminating study... [It] combines enough historical background and contemporary analysis for a graduate-level seminar along with an accessible writing style that won't deter more casual readers." -Publishers Weekly "Let it be stated unambiguously at the outset: this book is a tour de force." -Political Studies Review

About the Author

Fiona Hill is director of the Center on the United States and Europe and a senior fellow in Foreign Policy at Brookings.

Clifford G. Gaddy is a senior fellow in Foreign Policy at Brookings. Hill and Gaddy are coauthors of The Siberian Curse: How Communist Planners Left Russia Out in the Cold (Brookings, 2003).

Most helpful customer reviews

11 of 13 people found the following review helpful.
Intelligent, Well-Documented Analysis
By David Huwiler
Mr. Putin is a must-read for anyone interested in better understanding the complicated relationship between 21st century Russia and the West. It is easily the most thorough and well-documented analysis that has been done to date of the motives and goals of the Russian President. Particularly interesting are details about Putin’s KGB training, including some of the materials most likely studied, including Western texts on management and strategic planning, Putin’s experiences in Dresden, and the negotiations with Western business interests that Putin managed while working in the Saint Petersburg Mayor’s Office for Anatoly Sobchak.

The author’s convincingly debunk some of the often-repeated myths and assumptions about Putin’s career and management style. For example, many commentators have said that Putin’s sudden appearance in Moscow in 1996 is simply a unresolvable mystery. The authors document that, in fact, Putin was brought to Moscow by Alexei Kudrin, his colleague in the St. Petersburg Mayor’s Office, who was summoned to Moscow by Anatoly Chubais to help control the oligarchs who were often dictating terms to the Kremlin. The author’s also effectively disprove the charges that Putin that Putin has accumulated immense wealth and that he is simply an opportunist who lacks strategic planning skills, showing that Putin has clear goals and carefully developed plans to achieve them.

The book’s organizational principle, which analyzes Mr. Putin through the prism of six distinct “identities” sometimes seems a bit contrived—but the authors do acknowledge that the scheme is arbitrary. A more serious shortcoming, I think, is the unexamined assumption that Putin is simply wrong about the West and that because of his unfamiliarity with Western values and traditions he misreads our entirely benign efforts to promote democracy and free markets abroad. The authors claim that it is Putin's unfamiliarity with the West that leads him to conclude that the West has “set out to overturn his regime in a color revolution.” While it is true that Putin shares the paranoia that seems at times to be a national Russian trait, it is not at all clear that regime change in Russia is not a deliberate goal of the West, just as it is not at all clear that the decision of the US in 2001 to withdraw from the ABM treaty and install missiles in Europe was not intended to neutralize Russia’s nuclear deterrent.

Quibbles aside, Mr. Putin is an intelligent and meticulously documented analysis of what has gone wrong in the relationship between Russia and the West in the last fifteen years--and a valuable guide to policy makers as they try to understand and re-engage constructively with Mr. Putin’s Russia.

11 of 15 people found the following review helpful.
OK but blinkered
By R. L. Huff
- look at Vladimir Putin and Mr. Putin's Russia. The book is based on intensive research and interviews with Putin, but I find it skewed by the Western biases it brings to the table. Yet it's not a demonization, as is so much of the Western Putin literature. It gives him credit for standing by the multi-racial and cultural realities of post-Soviet Russia. Compared to the real hardcore nationalists, Putin in fact has come across as a domestic liberal. The rising tide of Russian arch-nationalism, however, has taken its toll. Authors Hill and Gaddy correctly assess Putin's playing the nationalist card as a political manouver to keep one step ahead of his opponents - most of whom are not pro-Western liberal dissidents by any means. Courting the Russian Orthodox Church in recent years was one such strategy.

Yet the authors see only politics in Mr. Putin's tactics, and play down the West's own role in making him an antagonist. They take him to task for painting the Ukrainian insurrection of 2014 as a "fascist coup," and for denouncing Ukrainian nationalist partisan Stepan Bandera as a Nazi collaborator. Bandera and Hitler may have never met, but this was not necessary for the arming and use of Bandera's OUN to commit atrocities and war crimes on then-Soviet territory. Contrary to the authors' whitewash, Bandera's later persecution by Nazis consisted of special treatment in German camps, held on ice for postwar use. Of relevance is that the "regime change" of 2014 was largely the work of west Ukrainians - the backbone of the OUN movement and the very folks who today make Bandera a national hero. When he paints west Ukraine as again collaborating with Russia's enemy, Putin stands on solid historical ground. The West continues destabilizing actions all the while it blames Putin for the same.

The authors also lecture us on Putin's inability to grasp "Western values" as the root of his refusal to take the West on its own terms; on "how little Putin understands about us - our motives, our mentality, and, also, our values" (p.385) I rather think Putin grasps these "motives, mentality, and values" very well, as they seem inseparable from European economic hegemony and NATO expansion. His managed democracy comes off looking rather clean cut compared to US politics following the Citizens United ruling, where American oligarch David Koch engineered a fundamental change for the worse via the Supreme Court. In foreign policy, Putin has indeed been repeatedly "rebuffed" by the West for proposing anything that makes Russia a leading equal in its sphere. This shows not limited contacts with the West, but rather ongoing and painful ones.

The hypocrisy is breathtaking but tragically familiar. It's rather the West's (and the authors') failure to grasp regional history, and Putin's actions based on it, that fuel the "misunderstanding." Ukraine, for instance, had strong nationalist animosity toward the "Moskali" long before the 1930s holodomor/famine. Crimea was not transferred to Ukraine out of any degree of recognition of said suffering, as the authors allege on p. 367; but as part of a geo-political manouver to Russify east Ukraine with more "loyal" ethnic Russians, exactly as in the Baltic states.

His aggressive handling of terrorists within Chechnya is "decried" by the West, the authors note. Yet within a decade the US and its NATO partners would be pursuing an aggressive course in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Yemen that make Russia look the provincial amateur. Putin in fact is *not* trying to recreate the USSR, as so often charged by Western pundits with an axe to grind, nor even the old Russian empire. His strategic thinking is dominated by security rationales. A wider invasive course would only threaten Russian security. At all times he sees his actions as defensive responses. If this is self-serving, it only puts him in good company: recall the American angst over the "dissident" Dixie Chicks; the livid anger over Edward Snowden.

In truth, Vladimir Putin is the Russian Ronald Reagan, bidding his citizens to "stand tall" against enemies from without and within working against the homeland. His stance on Ukraine, arming its "contras" in a border war against an enemy "satellite regime", may make him look the intolerant war jingo; but thus did Ronald Reagan appear outside the US. Ironically it's Reagan partisans who don't grasp the working parallels. In general, I can recommend this book as a good introduction on Vladimir Putin, but it's hardly the last word and certainly not the definitive narrative.

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
I would very much recommend this book to anyone with a keen interest to ...
By Lloyd Bromfield
This book is a very important step in learning about the Russian leader as well as Russia itself. Besides its own contents it offers leads to many other channels of learning through its numerous references. I have only just finished it once but will in the near future commence to read it again with more attention to various references as noted above.

I would very much recommend this book to anyone with a keen interest to learn more about what is happening today in and around Russia, and what the future may bring as a result.

See all 14 customer reviews...

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